Essay Contest: Black Lives Matter
There are hardly enough opportunities for undergraduates and graduates to have their work published, and we do not want to contribute to that gap in academia.
Student research and opinions are crucial voices to promote during times of social change; we intend to create a platform to do just that. Below you will find the winning essays of our Black Lives Matter Essay Contest that cover a variety of relevant racial issues and are based on academic-level research
WINNING TITLES:
(Select one of the titles below to jump to the article)
"Empathy and Race: How they affect jury decisions" by M. Johannes
"The Legacy of Redlining Perpetuated by Gentrification in American Neighbourhoods" by H. Jessup
"Racism in Britain is Perpetuated by Ignorance Towards Its Own History" by F. Whitehouse
"Get Out's Guide To Staying Woke" by S. Wang
Empathy and Race: How They Affect Jury Decisions
by M. Johannes
Introduction
One of the central foundational concepts within any court is to approach each case with impartiality and objectivity (Boyll, 1991, p. 163). However, research has shown that criminal courts are not as free from bias as they claim to be; one of the defining factors that promote this prejudiced disposition is race (Boyll, 1991, p. 163). For instance, it is well known that individuals of colour, specifically Black people, are treated noticeably harsher during all stages of the court process (Johnson et al., 2002, p. 1212). Although, the main problem is that this bias is known to many scholars, professionals, and people in general — yet it still happens regularly and is almost systematic. This suggests that there is an underlying process that repeatedly creates a disposition to treat Black individuals with greater severity.
Research by Johnson et al. (2002) suggests that when present, empathy can have a significant impact on an individual’s judgmental and behavioural processes (p. 1210). In terms of the criminal court context, this is a concerning factor, as trials can be extremely emotional, causing empathy to become highly relevant within juries (Linder, 1996, p. 889). However, it has been noted that individuals do not empathize equally with all people and are more likely to do so with those who are of the same race (Linder, 1996, p. 889). Accordingly, race can influence the amount of empathy felt by a jury, impacting their treatment of the defendant throughout the entire court process (Linder, 1996, p. 888). For this reason, I will argue that race affects the level of empathy among jury members causing an alteration in their attitudes which ultimately impacts their decision making with eye-witness testimonies, determining guilt, and sentencing.
Theory
The empathy-altruism hypothesis suggests that experiencing empathy towards someone who is in distress can motivate an individual to act in favour of that person (Johnson et al., 2002, p. 1208). This occurs through the process of cognitive dissonance (Finlay & Stephen, 2000, p. 1721). When an individual experiences empathy for someone, an affective reaction occurs creating positive attitudes and feelings of connectedness towards that person (Finlay & Stephen, 2000, p. 1721; Johnson et al., 2002, p. 1210). As a result, the individual is more likely to feel the need to help that person. Once this has occurred, individuals tend to actually act in accordance with their attitude, as acting against would place the person in a state of discomfort, known as dissonance (Finlay & Stephen, 2000, p. 1721). Therefore, in order to avoid this unwanted condition, the individual will match their actions to their attitudes and do what they can to help the person in need (Finlay & Stephen, 2000, p. 1721).
However, as mentioned earlier, empathy is higher among individuals who share common traits and similarities (Johnson et al., 2002, p. 1208). Therefore, race, being a highly salient trait, can affect the level of empathy that a person feels (Johnson et al., 2002, p. 1208). For example, white individuals are naturally more empathetic towards white people because of their perceived similarities, and will, therefore, be less empathetic towards Black people as a result of their perceived differences (Johnson et al., 2002, p. 1209). Due to this effect, empathetic influence has been noted as one of the most powerful factors in the treatment of Black individuals throughout the court process (Linder, 1996, p. 901). For this reason, race and its influence on empathy will be discussed in order to determine why Black people are treated more severely than white people in the criminal court context.
Arguments
To start, during trials, eye-witness testimonies are one of the main sources that juries refer to when determining a verdict (Abshire & Bornstein, 2003, p. 471). Yet, they are also a major source of bias. Not only can bias occur through the type of witness delivering the testimony, but the testimony itself can also be inaccurate due to a condition known as the cross-race effect (Abshire & Bornstein, 2003, p. 472). This being said, it should be noted that both Black and white people are equally prone to these biases. However, Black jurors are more skeptical of witnesses in general, regardless of their race, making them less likely to be affected (Abshire & Bornstein, 2003, p. 472). For this reason, I will discuss the impact race can have on eye-witness testimonies from the perspective of white juries.
Research by Tomes and Katz (1997) suggests that highly empathetic individuals are more affected by misinformation, making it more likely that they accept this information as accurate (p. 235). This may be because the acceptance of misinformation is attitude-dependent (Ecker et al., 2014, p. 293). For example, individuals who are exposed to false information that is aligned with their attitude will be more likely to believe that information, as it agrees with how they already feel (Ecker et al., 2014, p. 293). Therefore, the more empathy an individual feels towards someone, the more likely they are to agree with what they say (Ecker et al., 2014, p. 293).
This research has implications in the criminal court context. Take for example the case of an all-white jury hearing a testimony from a Black person, and then from a white person. With the Black witness, the jury would be less empathetic, possess a more hostile attitude, and therefore be less likely to believe what they say — even if it is accurate (Linder, 1996, p. 893). However, if a white eye-witness was brought up to the stand, the jury can automatically empathize better with their version of the story and will be more inclined to agree with what they say, regardless of whether it is accurate (Ecker et al., 2014, p. 293). This is where eye-witness testimonies can become problematic, especially when the cross-race effect (CRE) is brought into the picture.
The CRE can be described as the tendency for people to be more accurate in identifying those of their own race as opposed to those of a different race (Abshire & Bornstein, 2003, p. 472). For instance, a white witness would be less capable of identifying a Black suspect than a white suspect and vice versa (Abshire & Bornstein, 2003, p. 472). Therefore, if a white witness is more likely to misidentify a Black suspect due to the CRE, and a white jury is more likely to believe a white witness because they can empathize with them better, then any white jury hearing a testimony from a white witness has an increased risk of believing a false identification (Abshire & Bornstein, 2003, p. 472). This is a detrimental flaw in the court process, especially since jurors are typically unwilling to alter their initial impressions once they are formed (Boyll, 1991, p. 165). As a result, the chances of wrongful convictions are greatly amplified (Abshire & Bornstein, 2003, p. 471).
Additionally, what makes the matter worse is that white individuals are less likely to be aware of the CRE than Black individuals (Abshire & Bornstein, 2003, p. 472). Specifically, a survey by Kassin and Barndollar (1992) was conducted with predominantly white civilians who were informed about the CRE (Abshire & Bornstein, 2003, p. 472). When asked, 42% felt the CRE would not play a role when a white eye-witness tried to identify a Black suspect (Abshire & Bornstein, 2003, p. 472). This was partially explained by the fact that white people tend to have more trust in the legal system, and therefore do not believe such an event could occur that often (Abshire & Bornstein, 2003, p. 473). Nonetheless, the ignorance of the CRE by a considerable number of white individuals further increases the chances of a jury failing to recognize a false identification, which could result in a wrongful conviction (Abshire & Bornstein, 2003, p. 472).
Overall, in situations where empathy is present between a white jury and a white witness, both the acceptance of inaccurate information and the CRE have the potential to be enhanced. As a result, the possibility of false identification leading to the wrongful conviction of Black individuals is much higher, especially since most juries today are still white-dominated (Gau, 2016, p. 75). Therefore, these findings support that race plays a crucial role in producing empathy, ultimately affecting how juries process eye-witness testimonies.
Secondly, racial jury bias is also evident at one of the most crucial stages in the decision-making process: determining the verdict. For years it has been known that Black individuals are more likely to be found guilty than white individuals (Johnston et al., 2002, p.1212). As well, it is also known that Black jurors are less likely to convict in general, but even more so with Black defendants (Abshire & Bornstein, 2003, p. 472). Therefore, although they may not be entirely responsible, this does suggest that the high conviction rates for Black individuals are a result of the verdicts from white juries (Anwar et al., 2012, p. 1019). Based on the empathy-altruism hypothesis, this may be because the jury cannot empathize with the defendant, and therefore is not motivated to act in their favour (Johnson et al., 2002, p. 1208). However, it may also be due to the shared empathy among jurors that causes them to agree on convicting the defendant.
Research by Winter and Greene (2007) has shown that when determining a verdict, jurors piece together evidence through a narrative (p. 742). For instance, they found that many stories produced by juries included trial evidence that was only inferred, not actually presented in court (Winter & Greene, 2007, p. 743). As well, a study by Pennington and Hastie (1988) found that when the crown presented their case in a ‘story-based format,’ the jury convicted the defendant 78% of the time (Winter & Greene, 2007, p. 743). However, when the defence used a ‘story-based format,’ the rate of conviction dropped to 33% (Winter & Greene, 2007, p. 743). This demonstrates that jury decisions may be rooted in whether the evidence can fit into a logical story — not whether the evidence itself proves innocence beyond a reasonable doubt.
Additionally, research has shown that when piecing together the facts of the case, jurors will already have a predetermined outcome in mind (Sandys & Dillehay, 1995, p. 175). However, this has been known to cause pre-decisional distortion, which is a biased interpretation of information that supports the idea of leading the decision-making process (Winter & Greene, 2007, p. 743). Therefore, since jurors usually have a preconceived verdict in mind, all they need to do is fit the evidence together to make a story supporting that decision (Sandys & Dillehay, 1995, pp. 175-176). This explains why juries will often infer evidence to be relevant in a case, even when it is not, because it leads them to the outcome they have already predetermined. However, this is where decision-making can become problematic. In the case of a white jury and a Black defendant, the jury will lack empathy for the defendant and therefore be less willing to help them (Linder, 1996, p. 893). As a result, when entering the jury room, these are the predetermined feelings on the jurors’ minds. Consequently, when trying to make sense of the case, jurors will then use evidence that is not in the favour of the defendant because it matches their negative attitudes. Therefore, this greatly increases the chances of the jury finding the defendant guilty.
However, this problem is enhanced by the fact that in white juries, there is no diversity to counter this type of reasoning. Research by Gau (2016) shows that during jury deliberation, racial diversity improves problem-solving, innovation, and the quality of discussion (p. 77). This can be explained by the fact that because people from different races struggle to empathize with each other, their attitudes are more likely to conflict, creating disagreement (Gau, 2016, p. 77). However, this is what allows for a diversity of opinion and creates the opportunity for more abstract discussion. Therefore, in a heterogeneous jury, the white jurors' preconceptions can be argued and influenced by the Black jurors who can better empathize with the defendant (Gau, 2016, p. 77). Not surprisingly, this significantly affects the rate of conviction for Black individuals. A study by Anwar et al. (2012) found that with an all-white jury, the rate of conviction for a Black defendant and white defendant was 81% and 66%, respectively (p. 1019). However, when the jury included at least one Black juror, the rate of conviction for Black and white defendants was almost identical at 71% and 73%, respectively (Anwar et al., 2012, p. 1019). From this research, it is evident that racial representation in a jury is necessary to counteract the emotional attachments known to bias white jury decisions (Gau, 2016, p. 77).
Therefore, it is clear that the amount of racial diversity in a jury significantly impacts the verdict that is decided. Not only is the lack of empathy between the jury and defendant a crucial factor in this, but the empathy between jury members also plays an important role. Additionally, the inclusion of even one Black juror was found to significantly affect the rate of conviction for Black defendants. Therefore, this supports the argument that race alters the level of empathy among jury members, affecting their decision making with determining guilt.
Furthermore, the bias in juror decision making has also been documented in the types of sentences given to Black defendants. For instance, evidence has shown that on average, Black defendants are more likely to receive harsher sentences than white defendants, even when it is for the same crime (Ogletree, 2002, p. 32). Therefore, the following will discuss the relationship between race and empathy and how it can explain this disparity in sentencing.
Research by Linder (1996) states that dissimilarity not only prevents the positive feelings associated with empathy but also increases feelings of harshness (p. 901). As well, too much empathy can lead to biased decisions and cruel actions towards outgroups (Bloom, 2017, p. 24). This is explicitly demonstrated when looking at the death penalty rate for Black defendants versus white defendants. When a Black defendant is tried against an all-white jury, they are disproportionately given the death penalty more often (Linder, 1996, p. 902). However, the race of the defendant is no longer the only biasing factor as jurors also tend to take the race of the victim into consideration when determining the severity of a sentence (Linder, 1996, p. 902). For instance, Baldus et al. (1993) found that when both parties were Black, the death penalty was sought 15% of the time (Ogletree, 2002, p. 29). However, when the defendant was Black and the victim was white, the death penalty was sought 70% of the time (Ogletree, 2002, p. 29). Additionally, when both parties were white, 32% of cases sought the penalty (Ogletree, 2002, p. 29). But, when the defendant was white and the victim was Black, only 19% of cases pushed for a death sentence (Ogletree, 2002, p. 29).
A major discrepancy found within these statistics is that with interracial cases, it is a drastically bigger deal when the victim is white. This is due to the fact that juries empathize less with the defendant and more with the victim based on their races (Linder, 1996, p. 902). As a result, not only is the conviction rate higher for the defendant, but the level of severity in punishment increases as well. As mentioned earlier, higher levels of empathy towards one group can motivate people to harm members of another racial group (Bloom, 2017, p. 27). Therefore, this once again supports the argument that empathizing with the victim motivates jurors to act in excessively harsh ways against the defendant. As a result, it is not so much that the defendant is Black, but that the victim is white that results in a higher chance of receiving the death penalty. Nonetheless, it is clear that it is not just the empathic relationship between the jury and the defendant that affects decision making, but also the relationship between the jury and the victim.
On top of this, it is also important to acknowledge the possibility of wrongful convictions — especially when the situation involves life or death. Findings from 2002 indicate that the rate of error in capital sentencing was 68%, and even higher in states with a large Black population (Ogletree, 2002, p. 18). Therefore, in cases of a Black defendant and white victim, the chance of the defendant receiving a death sentence is almost identical to the chance that the defendant is not even guilty (70% and 68%, respectively) (Ogletree, 2002, pp. 18, 29). Now, not only are Black people more likely to be sentenced to death, but they are just as likely to be wrongly sentenced to death (Ogletree, 2002, p. 18). Additionally, in 2001, it was found that 58% of wrongful conviction errors occurred when the defendant was Black (Parker et al., 2003, p. 50). As well, in these cases, 90% of the time the victim was white (Parker et al., 2003, p. 50). Therefore, out of empathy for the victim, it is clear that juries will push for the harshest penalty possible — even if it is likely that the defendant is not responsible. As a result, it is evident that race not only affects the amount of empathy among juries, increasing the harshness of sentencing, but it also contributes to the number of wrongful convictions for Black people on trial.
Additionally, it should be recognized that empathetic racial bias may not be entirely one-sided. Black jurors could be more likely to show preference to Black defendants and treat white defendants more harshly. Research has shown that this is true to a degree, as all-Black juries have been found to acquit Black defendants more often for the same reason as white juries and white defendants because of better identification and empathetic connection (Butler, 1995, p. 686). However, most juries today are still white-dominated, which does not provide many opportunities for the maltreatment of white people based on empathetic racial effects (Gau, 2016, p. 75). It is for this reason that this paper has solely focused on the treatment of Black people throughout the criminal court system — because they are the ones receiving injustice.
Conclusion
To conclude, this paper has shown that race directly impacts the amount of empathy among jurors, causing a shift in their attitudes that affects their decision-making with eye-witness testimonies, determining guilt, and sentencing. When hearing testimonies, both the acceptance of inaccurate information and the CRE can be enhanced due to the empathetic connection between white jurors and white witnesses, increasing the chances of wrongful conviction. As well, when determining guilt, the lack of diversity in a jury not only weakens the amount of empathy felt for a Black defendant but also increases the chances that the jury will agree on convicting them. Additionally, in terms of sentencing, the race of the defendant in collaboration with the race of the victim alters the level of empathy within a jury, resulting in Black individuals receiving the death penalty more often — even though there is a high chance that they may not be guilty.
Nonetheless, in all three areas, racial differences appear to be the source of bias affecting the treatment of Black defendants. Therefore, it is imperative that this bias is eliminated to prevent further mistreatment of Black individuals and to provide them with the fairness and equality that they rightfully deserve. In the future, government officials and policymakers should take into consideration the effect that race and empathy can have in a trial. Policies should be implemented to guarantee that juries will have equal representation of both Black and white people, not only in cases of Black defendants but in all cases going forward. This will not only help to prevent the harsh treatment of Black individuals but also take away some of the leniency that may be involved when the defendant is white. Defendants can then have a fair trial without racially induced empathetic feelings dictating almost every decision. This way, the criminal courts can move one step closer to being the objective and impartial entities that they claim to be.
The Legacy of Redlining Perpetuated by Gentrification in American Neighbourhoods
by H. Jessup
The 1960s marked a period of historical significance for minorities in the United States. The enactment of the Civil Rights Act signified the end of Jim Crow laws and propelled the ratification of other laws that would free Black people from acts of segregation, such as the Voting Rights Act of 1965 and the Fair Housing Act of 1968 (Tichauser, 2012; Massey, 2015). The Fair Housing Act sought to bring an end to the racially discriminatory practice of redlining which was a product of the Home Owners’ Loan Corporation (HOLC) created by the federal government (Hillier, 2003). Banks would draw divisions between residential areas they considered desirable from those outlined in red, which they believed to be hazardous and declining and did not want to give loans to; these were notably Black neighbourhoods (Hillier, 2003). This often racially-associated denial of loans was referred to as redlining and made it extremely difficult for minorities in these districts to afford decent housing in other neighbourhoods and integrate with the rest of society (Hosek, 2020). Since the Fair Housing Act, the practise of denying a loan based on race has been deemed illegal. However, the effects and consequences of redlining are still highly prevalent in major cities across the U.S. (Coates, 2019). I will argue how the legacy of redlining continues to have pervasive adverse effects for minority communities across the United States, and how gentrification can perpetuate this harm for afflicted minorities.
Despite the cessation of redlining, studies revealed that there is still a clear division between neighbourhoods in major U.S. states, such as New York, Chicago, and California that resemble the drawn divisions on the maps used for redlining (Coates, 2019). A report from Perry and Harshbarger validates that in cities with a history of redlining, “the redlined areas today generally remain more segregated and more economically disadvantaged, with higher Black and minority shares of population than the remainder of the city” (Perry & Harshbarger, 2019). Contrarily, affluent neighbourhoods remain consistent as “91 percent of areas classified as “best” in the 1930s remain middle-to-upper-income today, and 85 percent of them are still predominantly white” (Jan, 2018). Ta-Nehisi Coates analyzes the neighbourhood of North Lawndale in Chicago, a racially diverse community that once thrived in the early 1900s, and then became a site for redlining due to the handful of Black American homeowners who resided there (Coates, 2019). Aspiring homeowners in this neighbourhood would sign an illegitimate contract with a “seller,” rather than with the bank, buy a house at an inflated price, pay unlawful fees, be evicted if they could not make a payment on time, and be denied any loans to support them (Coates, 2019). This cycle suppressed middle-class Black Americans from accumulating wealth, which led to the eventual deterioration of their homes and community “and loss in value in comparison to those homes and communities” that were in districts that the Federal Housing Administration deemed desirable and safe (Coates, 2019). North Lawndale is now an impoverished neighbourhood, with the majority of residents being non-white minorities: a result of the perpetual upbringing of families in this area by residents whose wealth dissipated due to redlining practices. This neighbourhood can serve to represent the hundreds across the United States characterized by concentrated poverty that have fallen victim to the same ripple effect of redlining practices.
Thus, it is clear that redlining has shaped the demographic and wealth patterns of American communities today, and the impact that living in these neighbourhoods has had on residents is significant. Race is now a predictor for variations in health in the United States, as “African Americans have an overall death rate that is 1.6 times higher than that of the white population,” which can be attributed to their socioeconomic status giving them a decreased access to healthcare and poorer living conditions (Williams, 1999).
Historically redlined areas, which has led to the concentration of poverty, also presents itself in the classroom (Williams, 1999). Williams demonstrates how segregation remains in America through schools, given that “two-thirds of African-American students and three-fourths of Hispanic students attend schools where more than half the students are black or Latino,” and that this group “is 14 times more likely to be in a high-poverty school than a student in a school where less than 10% of the students are black and Latino” (Williams, 1999). The issue with this is that these students, who are receiving an education that lacks funding, resources, and educators, are much less likely to be given the same opportunity as white students to qualify for post-secondary school and secure a high-paying job, both of which could give them the ability to pull themselves out of poverty. This disproportionate access to quality education across different racial groups is a form of social oppression, “when a specific social group is denied access to education that may hinder their lives in later life” (Young, 1990).
Not only does race predict one’s health and quality of education, but also their likelihood of incarceration. The overrepresentation of Black in the criminal justice system in America is an immense indicator of the racial disparities that still exist. Since these underprivileged neighbourhoods made up of Black Americans and other minorities still exist as a result of redlining, police have taken to ‘predictive policing,’ predicting crime to occur in a particular place and concentrating efforts on arresting suspected crime perpetrators in these areas (Howarth, 2018). This includes excessive patrolling and racial profiling in deprived neighbourhoods where Black Americans reside, which has led to them be “over six times as likely to be incarcerated as whites,” and makeup “13% of the general US population, yet constitute 28% of all arrests” (Howarth, 2018). This is because they face harsher arrests than their white counterparts for given crimes, known as ‘disproportionate minority contact’ (Hartney, 2009). Hence, the racial disparities that Black people and minorities face can be attributed to their inability to leave or improve their underserved neighbourhoods, a consequential result of redlining. The belief that, for these Black communities to escape poverty and crime, all they need to do is ‘pull themselves up by the bootstraps’, or in other words, “succeed by dint of your own efforts”, is untenable. Given that the systemic racism evidenced suppresses, it makes it nearly impossible for impoverished Black communities to advance in society (Bologna, 2018).
The idea that gentrification can further perpetuate the harm that redlining causes for residents of underserved neighbourhoods can be ascribed to the notion that gentrification is designed for the demographic of the white population (Kirkland, 2008). The Encyclopedia of Housing defines gentrification as “the process by which central urban neighbourhoods that have undergone disinvestment and economic decline experience a reversal, reinvestment, and the in-migration of a relatively well-off, middle- and upper-middle-class population.” With this influx of wealthy residents, there is the displacement of the lower class residents who can no longer afford to live in a gentrified neighbourhood (The University of Texas, 2020). These wealthy incomers are white; Owen reveals that when minority neighbourhoods experience socioeconomic ascent, “they become more white” (USC, 2018). Zuk and Chapple provide statistical evidence that this is occurring in once redlined neighbourhoods that are largely composed of low-income minorities, as a staggering “87% of San Francisco’s redlined neighbourhoods [which] are low-income neighbourhoods are undergoing gentrification today” (Chapple, 2015). It is apparent that gentrification is designed to serve the affluent white population since these neighbourhoods are invested in a way that increases costs and makes it no longer feasible for the minorities living there. A report from McIntosh et al. found that in 2016, “the net worth of a typical white family [was] nearly ten times greater than that of a Black family” (McIntosh et al., 2020). This wealth gap reflects the lasting effects of “accumulated inequality and discrimination, as well as differences in power and opportunity that can be traced back to [the United States’] inception” (McIntosh et al., 2020). Redlining, amongst other discriminatory laws, kept the wealth of Black neighbourhoods from growing and this has affected the existing population today, as there is little to no intergenerational transfer of wealth. McIntosh et al. conclude that these “inheritances and other intergenerational transfers ‘account for more of the racial wealth gap than any other demographic and socioeconomic indicators” (McIntosh et al., 2020). Furthermore, a 2000 study examined all aspiring homebuyers applying for a mortgage loan in gentrified neighbourhoods in 23 selected cities and found that Black applicants in gentrified neighbourhoods were 2.33 times more likely than white applicants to have their loan applications rejected (Kirkland, 2008). This directly mirrors the system of racial residential segregation practices and redlining. Thus, it could be argued that gentrification can amplify this former system.
With the given evidence that the demographics of once redlined neighbourhoods remain Black/minority-concentrated and have also become low-income neighbourhoods, it is clear that the practices of redlining brought consequences that impact innocent communities to this day. Redlining has introduced a perpetual cycle of families being raised under conditional poverty, and the circumstances of their life place them at a disadvantage to succeed opposite to their white counterparts. Their living conditions compromise their health, their level of education, and their prospects to become an affluent member of society. This cycle cannot end with growing gentrification of Black neighbourhoods and cities that force Black people out and leave them struggling to find a home in a country that is becoming increasingly wealthy and competitive. Gentrification does not seek to restore the value of a neighbourhood for those currently residing there but rather seeks to restart a neighbourhood and shift the demographic, which echoes the same racial residential segregated practices of the 1900s. It poses a colossal threat to not only minorities in the neighbourhoods, but also the deeply established cultural roots of diverse communities, which make the fabrication of entire cities so historically special.
Racism in Britain is Perpetuated by Ignorance Towards Its Own History
by F. Whitehouse
On May 25, 2020, George Floyd was held down on the pavement, with the knee of a Minneapolis police officer pressed on his neck, for nine minutes, slowly and inhumanely ending his life. What sets this story apart from the countless other experiences shared by Black men and women in America, is that the entire ordeal was filmed and posted online, and within hours the murder of George Floyd was global news. The uproar from communities all over the world was deafening. This time, people were not going to stay at home and turn a blind eye to what they had seen. Thousands upon thousands hit the streets to protest against not only police brutality in the United States, but also to amplify the voice of the Black Lives Matter movement in an attempt to mobilize social change. All around the world, communities are coming together to fight for what they feel is right. And those protests and conversations extended all the way over to my home in England: a country with its own turbulent and disturbing history with race, through its integral role in the creation of the slave trade in 1660. In the wake of George Floyd’s death, there has been a focus on looking at yourself introspectively, checking your own white privilege, and trying to understand the role that you may play in systemic racism. As a white Briton, this is something that can be incredibly scary, but it is this fear and denial that perpetuates the racial divide in the United Kingdom.
“History is written by the winners”, is a phrase that has been taught to students in history classes for decades, and is often attributed to Winston Churchill, the Prime Minister of England during World War II; a man that is heralded by many as a hero, or “The Man Who Saved Western Civilisation”, as Forbes favourably referred to him as in a headline for an article published in 2014 (Forbes, 2014). By all standards, the majority of people in England especially will defend Winston Churchill to their death and will hear nothing but accolades when his name is mentioned. However, on June 8, 2020, during a Black Lives Matter protest in London, the statue that immortalizes Churchill was altered by a protestor who spray-painted the words “was a racist” underneath Churchill’s engraved name (Stubley, 2020). This caused uproar amongst British print media, television broadcasters, and a large section of the more ‘patriotic’ members of the British public. To truly understand the reasoning behind the alteration made to the statue means that we have to draw attention to the darker side of Churchill that many Britons choose to ignore, or simply feign ignorance towards in an attempt to protect the man that they see as a guardian angel for our nation during WW2. Furthermore, whilst it is imperative to pay credit where credit is due and accept that yes, without Churchill’s leadership, there is a very strong chance that we would not have defeated the German’s in WWII, and that had things turned out differently, I might not be writing this essay in the language that I’m currently writing it in. However, nothing in history is black and white, and the same principle has to be applied to historical figures, and that is where, in the case of Churchill, the waters start to get slightly muddy. From this emerges the argument that one of the greatest leaders our country has ever had may have also been a white supremacist.
In 1937, Winston Churchill told the Palestine Royal Commission that he saw the colonization of “Red Indians” in America, and the similar treatment of the “Black people of Australia”, also known as Aboriginals, was nothing more than “[a] higher grade race, a more worldly wise race, [taking] their place” (Heyden, 2015). This statement, in a vacuum, is troubling as it suggests that Churchill views white people as the genetically superior race. However, when you pair this with his treatment of Indian people, or lack thereof, during the Bengal Famine in 1943, it paints a far more sinister image of the man. In 1943, India was still a ‘possession’ of Britain, and when a terrible famine hit the North-Eastern region of Bengal, due to the Japanese occupation of Burma in the year prior, the responsibility of aiding the people of Bengal fell at the feet of Winston Churchill (Radcliffe, 2017). Now, if you were to share the mindset of millions of people, where Winston Churchill is a hero, then you assume that the correct aid and support would have been offered to India, especially seeing that 2.5 million Indian soldiers fought in WWII (Khan, 2015). It is also worth noting that oftentimes, the Indian soldiers that were fighting alongside British soldiers, were largely doing so under worse conditions than the white soldiers they were standing with (Gupta, 2019). In actuality, what happened is far more sinister; instead of sending food over to one of Britain’s largest allies, Churchill instead decided to “stockpile wheat for feeding European Citizens after they were liberated” (Heyden, 2015). What this consequently meant was that 170,000 tonnes of Australian-grown wheat was withheld from a famine-stricken India and was largely reserved for whiter, liberated European countries (Biswas, 2010). Perhaps, there is an argument to be made that Churchill was stockpiling food because he was in the middle of a world war in 1943, and so, in the interest of protecting his people, he felt the need to have food reserves. From an outsider perspective, this could be seen as just one of the grim realities of war. However, troublingly, it appears as though Churchill may have placed the blame for the famine solely on the Indian people, as he claimed that “they breed like rabbits” (Heyden, 2015). Not only is the fact that Churchill seemed to blame India for the famine problematic, so too was his decision to liken Indian people to animals. In this case, ‘rabbits’ is a dehumanization that is still present in British ideology now.
A contemporary example where this dehumanization of the ‘Other’ is present is through media personalities like Katie Hopkins. Hopkins wrote a column for a British newspaper, The Sun, in which she called the migrants who were coming over in boats from the Mediterranean trying to find refuge and work in Britain, “Cockroaches” (Hopkins, 2015). You would imagine that in today’s climate, a comment like this would mean career suicide, and whilst 200,000 complaints were filed against this article, the fallout from the entire debacle did nothing but raise her profile (Plunkett, 2015). Within a month of the article being posted, she had been given her own weekly radio show, which not only gave her an even larger platform to spread her views but seemingly, rewarding her outspoken nature, regardless of the hurtful impact it may have on thousands of people. Now, when you look at all of this information together and take into consideration that the vast majority of British people disagree with the vandalization of Churchill’s monument and that they will continue to defend him as if he was a saint, it suddenly becomes a lot easier to understand why many British minorities feel as though systemic racism is still rampant in society. Especially since many Britons still look at Churchill as nothing but a hero, despite his racist leanings and white supremacist tendencies.
The idea of racial minorities “breeding” at a high rate is still being echoed in British society today. Far right-wing activists, such as Katie Hopkins and Tommy Robinson, are staunch believers in and promoters of the great replacement theory, which is an ideology that originated in France that believes that the “[w]hite Christian, European population is being systematically replaced by non-European, non-white, Muslim immigrants”, which will, in turn, lead to white people becoming a minority in Europe (Dyer, 2019). This stems from a fear that eventually white people and white British nationalists will feel unsafe or uncomfortable in their own homes, and feel pressure to move. The irony of this statement should be obvious; however, if it isn’t, what makes this so ironic is that, for a large number of immigrants, especially to the UK, their reason to flee their own countries was for that very reason. Whether it be due to wars, famines, or political unrest, a lot of the immigrants that now live in England are here because they felt uncomfortable in their homes. What is interesting is that those same groups of society that are uncomfortable and unhappy with the numbers of immigrants moving to their country, seemingly ignore the fact that these minority groups have felt subjugated, threatened, and unsafe in predominantly white places for centuries and that the very reason that they felt the need to leave their home nation, is because of the very same feeling that right-wing advocates are complaining about now.
Now, if you decide that the irony itself is not enough to denounce the ideology that immigrants will soon no longer be a minority in Britain, then there are also more than enough statistics that can highlight how outlandish the statement is. For example, according to a 2011 census carried out by the British Government, the population of the United Kingdom is 56.1 million, and out of that 56 million, 86% are white. What this highlights is that all other ethnic minorities in the United Kingdom combined makeup just 14% of the overall population, with the largest of those minority groups being Asian (at 7%). Immediately then, it is abundantly clear that white Britons are in no way even close to being a minority in their own country, as Hopkins would like to believe. To delve deeper, it is true that between the years of 2001 and 2011, the white British population decreased from 87% to 80%; however, it is also key to notice that ethnic group that saw the largest population increase within that same time frame was ‘White Other’, meaning a Caucasian person that was not born in the United Kingdom. This group grew from making up 2.6% of the population to making up 4.4%. To put this into perspective, according to this same census, Indian and African ethnic groups make up a mere 5.4% of the total population of Britain combined.
So, with all of this in mind, I implore you to once again to think about the great replacement theory, and understand that it is nothing but a fear-mongering tactic employed by believers in right-wing politics to incite a resentment towards ethnic minorities, such as Black and Asian, which manifests itself in the idea that, “minorities are coming to Britain and taking our jobs”. What is so interesting about this statement is that it places minorities in a lose-lose situation, where if they do not find a job, racists and xenophobes will scream from the rooftops that minorities are leeching off of state-funded benefits. However, if they do secure employment, those same people will come back with the idea that ethnic minorities are taking all of the jobs off of white British people. So, honestly, what are minority ethnic groups supposed to do to appease the racist mindsets of British people? The answer to this, I fear, does not exist, as there will always be people that choose to be ignorant of history, and to statistics. So, if we truly want to incite change, the focus now needs to be on teaching the next generation and instilling the knowledge and the tolerance that we know to be right into our children. All of this in the hope that they will then become the people that we wish we lived at the same time as.
It feels as though, as it does a lot of the time, that these same negative and racially charged rhetorics are being tossed around in Britain. Phrases like, “They’re coming over here and taking our jobs”, or “I feel out of place in my own country”, are just a couple examples of everyday racism and xenophobia that you are likely to encounter in Britain. However, there is one statement that people love to use here more than any, especially in relation to Black people, and that phrase is, “Why don’t you just go back to where you come from?” Now, if you are unaware of why this is such a ridiculous statement, you need to look no further than the Windrush Generation. For those who do not know, in 1948 ship carrying 492 passengers comprised of men, women, and children, moved to Britain to work, as Britain was facing severe labour shortages in a post-WWII climate (BBC, 2020). People from all over the Caribbean were asked to emigrate to Britain, with the first boat that made it to British shores, being mainly composed of passengers from Jamaica, Trinidad & Tobago, as well as many other islands which were all members of the British Commonwealth (BBC, 2020).
Taken at face value, this influx of able-workers to Britain could be seen as an excellent opportunity for families in poorer nations to make money, and then send it back to support their families in their home countries. However, much like everything in history, there is a flip side and a more sinister way to look at this stage of British life. When British officials made the trips over to the Caribbean, they handed out leaflets advertising how great an opportunity immigration would be, with many people even being told that there was “gold on the streets” (Lee, 2018). When in reality, Britain was still crippled by the effects of the War, and so many parts of the country were in terrible disarray. On top of this, British officials also pushed the narrative that Jamaica, Bermuda, and Trinidad were all still in debt to Britain, as they remained members of the Commonwealth, meaning that by coming over to work, these Black immigrants were fulfilling their role as a member of the Commonwealth (Brittanica, 2020). When families finally made it to the docks in Essex, the grim reality of what they now faced became clear. The only jobs available were the ones the British people did not want to do themselves, as they saw it as beneath them. The migrants from the Commonwealth were not invited to Britain to become an equal part of society; they were invited to do the dirty work. This idea was further supported when three weeks after the first boat landed: “76 [people] had gone to work in foundries, 15 as labourers, 15 on railways, and 15 as farm workers” (Understanding Slavery, 2011). Within weeks, it became clear that the lives that were promised to the Windrush Generation did not exist: there were no streets paved with gold, just more bumps in the already never-ending road to a better life.
One of the main issues that faced what is known as ‘The Windrush Generation’, was highlighted by Sam King when he said that “[a]s we got closer to England, there was an apprehension...as to whether the boat would be allowed to dock” (Understanding Slavery, 2011). This was because there was resentment amongst the British population, as many believed that in a post-war economy, Britain was struggling to financially support the people that already lived in Britain. So the idea of inviting thousands of people from the colonies was ironically foreign to them. When the boats eventually did land, many of the people on board were subjected to vile racist abuse. With many landlords refusing to house Black immigrants, entire families that had come over to Britain with the sole purpose of trying to rebuild it after the war were left without housing (Bulman, 2018). These initial families that came to Britain, and lived largely in London, obviously had children of their own, and subsequently raised their children in Britain. So many of the 1.1% that made up the Black British population, according to the aforementioned census, are children or grandchildren or great-grandchildren of the Windrush Generation. So to now come back to the idea of “Why don’t you go back to where you came from”, levelled against countless Black communities in Britain, is laced with a deep founded ignorance to the fact that a lot of these Black families were actually invited over to Britain by the British Government, or more specifically, by Winston Churchill, the same man that many revere as a hero. So really, the people who spit that rhetoric only have their own leaders, and their heroes, to ‘blame’ for the Black population in the UK.
Children of the Windrush Generation will continue to live and raise families in Britain, many now as citizens. However, in 2018, these families were hit with even more turbulence. When those first Black families came over to Britain, the majority were not given proper paperwork or made legal citizens (Sandhu, 2018). As a result of this, in as many as 83 cases, members of the Windrush Generation, who, once again, just to reiterate, were begged to come over to Britain to help us rebuild post-war, were deported for having insufficient paperwork to prove that they were legally allowed to live and work in this country (Agerholm, 2018). Many of those affected, had been working and living in Britain since the late 1940s and had raised families at that time. Suddenly, out of nowhere, they were told that they had no place in the country which they had helped to rebuild. The Home Secretary at the time, Amber Rudd, initially denied this but was later forced to admit that there were “targeted assisted returns” who the government was focusing on to deport members of the Windrush Generation (Hopkins & Stewart, 2018). When news of the Windrush Scandal became common knowledge, Rudd was forced to resign as an impact of the events, because she claimed that she “inadvertently misled” the government (McGuiness, 2018). For the next few years, Rudd laid low, before re-emerging in 2020, when it was announced that she had been given her own radio show in a prime time slot (Brooke, 2020). So much in the same way, as Katie Hopkins was seemingly rewarded for her comments comparing immigrants to cockroaches, Amber Rudd was so too rewarded, and so it really is no wonder that many people in Britain, including rapper Stormzy, believe that the UK is, “definitely, 100% racist”, when the perpetrators of it are given high paying roles (ITV News, 2019). Whereas Black families and communities that are affected by that very same racism are some of the most impoverished in the country, with 45% of Black Africans and 30% of Black Carribeans living under the poverty line (Kenway, 2007).
There are, of course, other avenues that you can observe regarding racism in the UK; for example, there is an idea that racism was created by the lower, or working-class people in the country, which is untrue (Akala, 2015). Racism was in fact created by elite academics, through pseudo-political science, and perpetuated as political policy. So, when you really look at it, the Black families and communities that were being racially discriminated against in Britain post-WWII had far more in common with the working class than they ever did with the social elite. But, quite simply, it creates a much better outward persona of Britain, if we suggest that it is just the lower class that is racist. There is also a perception amongst a section of the British Public, that if you are of a lower-class background, then you also have a lower IQ than someone who was born into money. So when you pair this with the knowledge that 45% of Black Africans in the UK live under the poverty line, it suddenly becomes very difficult to not see the link between this harmful stereotype, and the often poor treatment that Black children receive during their education (Kenway, 2007). Although, regardless of whether wealth directly impacts a person’s IQ, Black students are still at a disadvantage to white people because they are often neglected in regard to their learning. For example, if you take a look at the ethnic breakdown of the attainment of the highest possible grades in exams according to the 2019 census, 46.1% of white students were able to attain that grade. In contrast, in that same year, 45% of Black students were able to attain that same grade, meaning that the difference in attainment is 1.1%: a minuscule percentage when put into context. You would imagine then, that when it came to the top universities accepting applicants, the racial disparity of whom they accepted would be relatively similar. However, the most recent reports state that only forty Black students out of 2,210 applicants to Cambridge were accepted, and, similarly, only 35 Black students out of 2,210 applicants to Oxford were accepted (Dodgson, 2017). So, if we now look at those numbers and compare them to the fact that there was only a 1.1% difference in grade attainments, the lack of Black students being accepted into the highest levels of education is troubling and must be rooted in reasoning other than the idea that they did not attain high enough grades.
If you want to look at this in a wider context, that is also possible; assume for a second that if you accept that 45% of Black students attain the highest possible grades, and then do manage to actually get accepted into a top university, you would imagine that this would lead to a high percentage of Black people in the highest paying jobs. However, when you look at the facts, you realize swiftly that this is not the case. In fact, the Top 10 bank CEOs in the country are 100% white, the Top 10 UK Rich List is 90% white, the Top 10 newspaper editors in the UK are 100% white, and UK Court Judges are 93% white, with the Cabinet of the UK being 90% white. Now, you can debate the existence or prevalence of racism in British society all you want, but the fact of the matter is, despite relatively similar grades at school, Black citizens of the UK do not take up even a fraction of the highest paid jobs in the country, and then you have to start asking the question as to why that is.
To stay on the topic of education, and relating that to current world events, due to the Covid-19 pandemic, the British Government took the action to close schools and cancel exams for the year, and give the students their predicted grades, as their final grades (Stewart, 2020). In principle, this may seem like the fairest option, that is until you then understand that Black students were statistically more likely to out-perform their predicted grades than their white counterparts are (Cowan, 2020). This is because the reasons for them being given lower predicted grades than their white counterparts have been attributed to social stereotypes and biases, reinforcing the idea that racism in the UK is systemic. What this ultimately means is that we are now facing yet another year of Black students being shunned from the top universities through powers out of their control. Where this becomes even more problematic is that it may lead to an entire generation of Black students missing out on opportunities due to circumstances that are completely unrelated to their academic capabilities, which will only decrease even further, the number of Black people in those top-paying jobs in the future.
When Britons say that we are not a racist country, what they really mean is that we are not as racist as other countries, and even then, that is not true. We just exhibit racism in different ways than others. Yes, police brutality in the UK does exist, however, to say that it is as overt as these incidents that we have been seeing in the US over the past few years, would be disingenuous and disrespectful to those that have had their lives taken from them by enforcement officers. In the UK, the systematic racism that can often be found in police officers takes the shape of countless microaggressions and the knowledge that they are in an almost untouchable position when it comes to being held accountable for any potential wrongdoing. Statistically, there is more crime in the poorer areas of the country, and so in those areas, there is oftentimes a higher police presence (Drewett, 2018). And, to return to the poverty rates mentioned earlier in this piece of writing, a lot of those poorer areas are lived in by the Black British population. So, even if a Black person is treated unfairly by a police officer, the chances that victims will have the funds to launch an investigation into that wrongdoing is low, and so officers will largely get away with any act that they carry out.
Racism in the UK is shown through immortalizing people like Churchill and rewarding people like Amber Rudd or Katie Hopkins by erecting statues or by awarding those people with high paying jobs, regardless of their racist ideas, which is essentially a slap to the face of every minority group that they speak out against. Racism in the UK is families being deported after years of employment service, and building a new life in a country that they were invited to come and live in because of the shortcomings of the British Government, the same Government that then tried to cover up and deny the very existence of targeted deportation. And so, when people want to believe that racism in the UK is not as big of a problem as it is in America, they are willfully ignoring the direct role that Britain's history has in perpetuating the racist beliefs that exist within those countries. Britain is not less racist than America, we just hide ours better.
Get Out’s Guide to Staying Woke
by S. Wang
Jordan Peel’s Get Out is an eye-opening movie about casual, acceptable, modern-day racism. It is a movie that critiques white people’s condescending admiration for Black people and Black culture. The opening credit song, Childish Gambino’s Redbone, was an effectively strategic song choice that highlights a light-skinned Black woman’s experience as she navigates her relationship with a dark-skinned Black male, who tells her to ‘stay woke’ if she wants this relationship to work. The term to ‘stay woke’ is a common African-American phrase, meaning to stay educated and be aware of different situations and how perspective impacts them. Therefore, the man in the song is implying that in order for their relationship to work, the female needs to understand the problems that dark-skinned males face in contemporary America. Get Out encourages audiences to ‘stay woke’ to modern racism by outlining white-overcompensation, the current struggles of African Americans, and previous generation racism, leaving non-Black viewers feeling unsettled and uncomfortable. Previous generation racism—including abolished practices such as slavery and segregation— are no longer the societal norm, but our past heavily impacts our current society’s attitude towards Black people. The film, Get Out, proves its significance to popular culture by comparing segregation-era and modern-day racism to show audiences that racial discrimination is still alive and well today.
Get Out shows the significance of previous generation racism to contemporary racism by referencing segregation-era racism. In Get Out, the main character’s girlfriend, Rose, pays tribute to this part of American history by drinking milk and eating multi-coloured cereal separately, indicating that she does not believe that colours and whites mix. To strengthen the motif of segregation in that scene, Rose also chugs the milk, creating an allusion to a common ritual in Ku Klux Klan (KKK) gatherings that symbolizes white purity (Stănescu). White supremacy was at its peak in the 1950s, where it was common to believe that segregation was acceptable (History). White supremacy was the norm until the 1960s, where displaying a racist attitude was acceptable and even encouraged (Stănescu). After segregation was fully abolished in 1965, when African Americans fought to abolish discrimination, big white supremacy groups such as the KKK went underground, because supporting segregation was no longer publicly acceptable (History). Get Out makes references to this important era of American history to outline parallels in current society. Understanding past racism is essential to understanding how racism has evolved over generations. Now, people with racist attitudes have found a different way to express themselves.
Although segregation is no longer legal, it still happens; it is now just harder to name and to address. The opening scene of Get Out shows a Black man walking at night in a white neighbourhood, and he calls his friend to say he does not feel comfortable walking there; this scene shows a very common Black experience where the popular distrust of Black people by whites often endangers innocent people. J. Cole addressed the issue of modern segregation in his song “Neighbors,” which addresses an incident he dealt with after he moved to a rich, predominantly white, a neighbourhood in suburban North Carolina. His white neighbour called the S.W.A.T. team because they believed that J. Cole was running a drug business. Because of this call, the S.W.A.T. team launched a one-million-dollar investigation and then proceeded to break into J. Cole’s home with excessive force (J. Cole). In his song, J. Cole says, “So much for integration, don’t know what I was thinking, I’m moving back to the south side” (J. Cole). J. Cole expresses how he felt like he did not belong in that neighbourhood even though he did nothing wrong. Society may feel like integration is working because a Black man like J. Cole is allowed to buy a house in the suburbs, but he is not fully accepted into that neighbourhood because of his skin colour. By making references to segregation in the past, and also showing audiences a modern example, Get Out bridges the connection between past racism, and current racism and, in turn, highlights the danger of it that is often ignored by white people today. The issue of segregation essentially has not changed, it is just presented in a different, more subtle, way.
Get Out addresses the issue of cultural appropriation by showing that white people view Blackness as ‘trendy,’ but do not want to be associated with Black people on more than the surface-level and do not want the abuse that comes with belonging to that race. The difference between appreciation and appropriation is that when one appreciates a culture, they seek to understand the culture on a deeper level than what it appears to be (the traditional dress, food, etc). Cultural appropriation, however, is offensive because people who are not a part of the culture, and therefore do not have to inherit the disadvantages of the culture, try to adopt another culture without seeking to understand the significance or history of that culture (Young). In Get Out, the Armitage family performs surgery to put white peoples’ brains into Black peoples’ bodies to symbolize the tendency for white people wanting to look Black and put on a Black-body costume, which does not differ greatly from Blackface in the 19th century. Blackface is when white people use makeup to darken their faces and create exaggerated red lips, becoming a caricature of a Black person, which was a common practice in the entertainment industry (Laski). In the 1800s, the white actors who wore Blackface were popular and adored for being comical. However, after their performance, they were able to abandon this Black stereotype and enjoy the benefits of being white. Blackface was a form of cultural appropriation because white actors (traditionally) pretended to be Black by acting stereotypically. In contrast, Black people were still looked down upon and in no way respected like their white actor counterparts, on or off of the stage. Pretending to be Black is fashionable, but being Black is not.
In contemporary society, Blackface is frowned upon, but cultural appropriation still happens. Get Out mirrors this by showing the interactions between Chris, a real Black male, and Logan, a Black male's exterior with a white man’s brain. When Chris tries to fist bump Logan, Logan is awkward and does not know how to react. This gesture shows that the white person controlling Logan’s body did not understand Black lifestyle, but just wanted the fashionable look of being Black. Current Black culture dictates much of popular culture, and many people want to be a part of Black culture (Gutiérrez). Rap music, a big part of Black culture, has become one of the most important and popular music genres in 21st century North America (Ramsey). However, it originated in West Africa, where people make music to the beat of a drum. Now, Rap has evolved into music where Black people can embrace their roots while expressing themselves, often rapping about hardships, social justice issues, and Black cultural references (Ramsey). Rappers like Joyner Lucas, Logic, and Jay-Z rap about the discrimination they face as Black, or biracial males. But it is not uncommon for white artists, such as Justin Bieber and Iggy Azalea, to try to integrate themselves into rap culture, without understanding the history behind it. Bieber tries to achieve the rapper look by wearing grills and sagging his pants, while Azalea's speech mimics conventionally Black dialects during her performances (Gutiérrez). White rappers like Azalea can pretend to be Black, but do not understand or live with the hardships associated with being Black. So, this selective acceptance and embracing of Black culture and the Black experience becomes just another level of appropriation. Azalea is not Black, and no matter what mannerisms she expresses, she will never be Black, just like how in Get Out, the white person controlling Logan’s body will never be Black. White people appropriating aspects of Black culture such as rap music and dialects is a modern form of racism that has become so normalized that white people often miss it. Although cultural appropriation is displayed in a different way now, the root of the issue is still the same.
Get Out presents unsettling situations by indulging the white audience’s expectations of Black racial tropes. Living in North America, it is nearly impossible to ignore the conflict between the police and Black people, specifically Black males. Police brutality towards people of colour (POC) floods the news and social media platforms daily. There are many examples within the last ten years where an unarmed Black driver has been killed or wrongly incarcerated by the police: Oscar Grant, Michael Brown, and Manuel Loggins Jr (NewsOne Staff) to name a few. In Get Out, Rose hits a deer while driving and needs to file a police report. While filing a police report, the police officer asks to see Chris’s ID. Rose takes this seriously and gets upset with the police officer for racially profiling Chris. Chris tries to calm Rose down by just being cooperative with the officer. This creates obvious tension between Chris and the officer who looks at Chris in a disapproving way, conveying a racist attitude. Black drivers often fall victim to racial profiling. In America, they are 4 times more likely to be pulled over, and 1.2 times more likely to be ticketed (Pierson). There are no consequences for police officers who racially profile minorities, making being pulled over a terrifying experience for Black people in America (Meeks). Get Out exploits audience expectations and creates uncomfortable tension in this scene that forces white audience members to look introspectively at their own relationships with the police and the privilege it entails.
Black males are often treated unfairly in the American Justice System by being villainized by the press, the judges, and the jurors. Black men are also incarcerated at higher rates and for longer periods of time for the same crimes as their white counterparts (Starr). For example, Brock Turner, a white male, was convicted of rape and was sentenced to six months in prison, but he only served a total of three months (Grinberg). In contrast, Brian Banks, a Black male, was wrongly accused of rape when he was sixteen years old, tried as an adult, and received six years in prison (Hamilton). In the final scene of Get Out, when red and blue siren lights approach the Armitage house while Chris is defending himself from Rose. Bright lights shine at Chris’s face while he is pointing a rifle at Rose, and creates a spotlight effect. The police immediately assume that Chris is the character at fault, not Rose, due to racial profiling and prejudice. Rose understands that she looks like the victim, and cries for help as Chris slowly puts his hands up in defeat. Audiences, knowing the current conflict between the judicial system and Black males, have a grim expectation of Chris’ trials and convictions to come. This scene also comments on how the news can present a biased narrative that incriminates Black males by selectively framing the story in a way that perpetuates the Black-criminal stereotype. This exploits the audience’s anxiety between Black men and the police by forcing them to feel the tension of the situation to the full extent, based on their prior knowledge of the cultural and societal struggles that Black people face, and forces them to think critically about the way that they consume media. This reaction, on the part of Get Out’s audience, shows that white American society acknowledges that Black people are treated unfairly by the police and by the Criminal Justice System and that racism still exists.
Modern-day racism can present itself in the form of false-positivity and overcompensation for the sake of a racist person’s own comfort and self-acceptance; this is called aversive-racism. People can miss the signs of aversive-racism because it is subtle, and can disguise itself as admiration (Fairchild). Get Out solidifies this idea with Rose’s family. When Chris, a Black male, goes over to his white girlfriend’s house and is greeted by the friendly faces of her family. Rose’s dad, Dean, says subtle things like “I would have voted for Obama a third time if I could have” to show Chris and the audience how open-minded and liberal he is. This specific line is repeated 3 times in the movie and is very self-congratulatory. The conversation quickly turns unsettling when Dean talks about how Grandpa Armitage lost the Olympic qualification race to a Black man named Jesse Owens. Dean talks about the loss like it was a very positive event because a Black man beat a white man in a sport. Dean, solemnly, then says to Chris, “He almost got over [the loss].” The Armitage family is trying to overcompensate for their discomfort around Black people by inauthentically saying positive things about Black people in a desperate attempt at progressiveness; they have an explicit desire to look progressive and liberal, but an implicit discomfort around Black people. It is a distancing mechanism between the ‘problem,’ Black people, and themselves (Long). Get Out places emphasis on these scenes to showcase how seemingly simple conversations can be inherently racist.
With Peele’s Get Out, no detail is too subtle. Every scene, every placement, and every word is littered with references and symbolism of racism towards Black people. The complex delivery of these racist undertones makes Get Out significant to popular culture because it provides a holistic view of racism, from the past to the present. It causes its white audience to think critically about the underlying attitudes that non-Black people still have towards Black people. Peele makes subtle references about past racism, such as white supremacy and segregation, that remind audiences of America’s not-so-far-off racist roots. Get Out also shows the ties between past racism and current racism, drawing attention to the similarities that often go unnoticed. Finally, Get Out displays real-world examples of modern-day racism, such as Black discrimination in the judicial system, that make audiences more aware of the issue at hand. Although North America presents itself as a diverse and progressive society, through the support of rich Black celebrities, respected authorities, and even a Black president, Black people still face many challenges that are overshadowed by surface-level solutions. Racism is a dangerous attitude that people need to be aware of before societal progression is possible, and Get Out reminds its white audience to ‘stay woke’.
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